Korean Prostitution Chapter 3

Chapter III Uijong-bu, Dongduchon and The NGOs in These Areas

1.Introduction of Region & NGOs

By and large, social activists who work in the modern Korean NGOs have similar backgrounds. Most often these activist participated in religious institutions or the nationalist students social movements of the 1970's and 1980's. Through volunteer work and constant interaction with the social activists, I realized that although the foundation of their activism is religion and nationalism, the majority of NGO activists in the military towns adopt theories, which focus upon feminism and individual human rights. Unlike bureaucrats in the Korean government, the American policy makers, and the nationalist student activists, staff members in the CB-NGOs accumulate valuable experience through direct interaction with the residents of the military towns and therefore are most competent to understand and resolve the problems which continue to plague these areas. Through networking and interaction with the CB-NGOs, Civil Society Non Governmental Organizations (CS-NGOs) such as, the 'National Campaign for Eradication of Crime by U.S. Troops in Korea', which is based in Seoul, gain a more accurate understand the events, which occur within the military towns.

The experiences of the CB-NGO activists have served as the base for modern social activism concerning American military criminal acts and the military towns. Through counseling, and other forms of social interaction these activists are able to witness the violations of human rights, and the abysmal condition in the military towns. To facilitate a better understanding of these NGOs, in the following chapter I will analyze the activities of Non Governmental Organizations in a small military town next to Camp Stanley (Beit Bore: ����) on the outskirts of Uijong-bu and one of the largest military towns in South Korea next to Camp Casey , located in Dongduchon (����õ),.

a.Uijong-bu: CB-NGOs: 'My Sister's Place' (Durae-Bang: ���)

In the afternoon, children play in the streets of 'Baet Bore', which are surprisingly quiet. However, as the American soldiers finish their duty and head out of the military compound, the atmosphere of the military town changes completely. Neon lights flash on and off, and loud music blares out of the clubs. The people who live in Baet Bore warn outsiders, "This neighborhood is dangerous at night, so don't walk around after 6:00p.m.."1) At night and especially on weekends, the GIs walk around in small groups, drunken and rowdy, quite oblivious to there surroundings. They often scream, talk loudly, kick over trash cans, and instigate fights with Korean citizens.

As stated earlier, in most cases, the American soldiers' only contact with Korean society is through the military town prostitutes. Since these women are isolated from the rest of society, conflicts with the GIs has very serious consequences, because the prostitutes have no one to turn to for assistance. Hence human rights abuses by the U.S. military upon the prostitutes are often left unpunished. In response to this, Durae-Bang (My Sister's Place), a CB-NGO created on behalf of the women in the military towns, was established in Baet Bore, Kosan-dong (���굿), on March 17th 1986. Durae-Bang is the very first CB-NGO to work directly with the prostitutes in the military towns.2)

On March 17th 1986, Mrs. Moon Hae-Rim, an anglo-American majoring in religious studies, married a Korean foreign student, and accompanied him on his return to Korea. When she first arrived, Mrs. Moon worked at a part time job on the American military base in Uijong-bu, counseling women married to GIs. Through this experience Mrs. Moon realized that the military town encompassed various social dilemmas and therefore decided to open Durae-bang (My Sisters Place).3) Mrs. Moon received financial aide from foreign Christian organizations and opened the first shelter in Ganung-Dong, Uijong-bu. This NGO is closely connected with the National Church Women's Association of the Presbyterian Church in the Republic of Korea (PROK). The moto of Durae-Bang is:

"Durae-Bang is a community created to assist military town prostitutes and Korean women married to American personnel to overcome the oppression and stigma of being an outsider within Korea. Durae-bang promotes programs based on self-reliance and mutual assistance, and in addition, offers group prayer in order to enlighten members about Christian doctrines, which promotes Gods promise to every person on this earth to live like a human beings".4)

Durae-Bang promoted the belief that protection of human rights is the obligation for all members of society. In addition, the opening of 'My Sister's Place' in the military town brought public attention to the social injustices in the military towns, and forced the U.S. military and the Korean government/society to examine issues concerning the affects of American military presence in Korea and more importantly brought attention to the lives of Korean women involved with American soldiers.5)

On July 1988 Moon Hae Rim was joined by Yu, Bok Nim (������), a graduate of Hanshin (�ѽ�) University, who also majored in Religious Studies. Together these two women, supported by National Church Women's Association of the Presbyterian Church in the Republic of Korea (PROK) expanded operations by opening a community religious center in Baet Bore. This center offered lessons in English and classes in Western-style cooking. 6)

As Mrs. Moon and Ms. Yu gained experience through work in the military towns they realized the necessity to personalize the programs at Dirae-Bang (My Sister's Place). In order to become liberated from the oppression of the U.S. military, the women in the military towns needed to overcome the psychological trauma, which resulted from violent experiences and sexual abuse throughout their lives. Durae-Bang became a community which supported and cared about the suffering of these women. In this NGO relationships based on love and trust, created through social activities and counseling rooted in Christianity, served as guide for the prostitutes who were thereby able to recover their self-confidence and self-worth.7) The ultimate objective of Durae-Bang activism is to help the women obtain a sense off independence and self -sufficiency providing women in the military towns with the capacity to succeed on their own.

In 1989 Durae-Bang staff members created the bread program, which promoted vocational alternatives to prostitution. This program endeavored to provide alternative work through on the job training; it now serves as a model for future vocational programs at related NGOs. This program embraced two main goals, 1) teach self-sufficiency to the military town prostitutes and 2) provide a permanent space for group counseling over an extended period of time. Through vocational programs and counseling, Dureabang activists attempted to create an environment were these women could learn to be independent and more importantly, self-reliant and survive after completing the Durae-Bang programs.

Counseling is an essential part of the Durae-bang social activism. The Durae-bang counseling program consists of two parts, 1) through prayer and understanding of the Christian principles, prostitutes are provided with the tools necessary to overcome the separation from and oppression by society and 2) individual and group counseling provides an environment where the military town women are able exchange information, and work together in order to overcome difficulties they face in the military towns.8) Most often, women living in the military towns are cut off from their family and the rest of society and therefore counseling provides them with a chance to reflect upon their future. Through the process of counseling these women learn how to communicate and interact with their peers and most importantly, they realize that they can become the object of another's affection.9)

On July of 1990 Durae-Bang opened facilities, which offered childcare and tutoring for Amerasian children and other needy children who live in the military towns. In Baet Bore, as in most military towns in South Korea, prostitutes are often left with Amerasian children to take care of when GI fathers abandon them upon completing military service. Since this town is small and the women are constantly in financial need, providing subsistence for these children is a difficult task.10) Therefore Durae-Bang provides facilities, which offer educational opportunities to children who do not have a chance to attend school. In addition, the childcare center provides an opportunity for children to escape the realities and the influences of the military towns.11)

On December of 1990 Durae-Bang established a center in Dongduchon, however due to financial difficulties, the center was closed in 1995. At this time many of the younger activists, who no longer saw a future in Durae-Bang, decided to breakaway and form a new NGO in Dongduchon named Saewoomtuh. These staff members felt restricted by the dependence of Durae-Bang upon the church and therefore felt the necessity to establish an autonomous agency, Saewoomtuh, no longer dependent upon large organizations, such as the church and the government. Since Saewoomtuh is not reliant upon the Church or other large organization for funds, through a process of trial and error, the staff of Saewoomtuh has been able to progress in a direction guided by the individual and collective experiences of the staff members.12)

b. Dongduchon CB-NGOs:

*Saewoomtuh (������)

Saewoomtuh and Tabitha's Community are the main CB-NGOs located in Dongduchon. These NGOs provide assistance to the women in the military towns and other Koreans who fall victim to American military human rights abuses. As mentioned before, Saewoom-tuh has its roots in Durae-Bang. In 1995 Dongduchon Durae-Bang shut down operations due to financial difficulties. At this time, young activists with experience in the students' movements, who had worked at Durae-Bang, decided to leave and form a new organization in Dongduchon, called Saewoom-tuh. Seawoomtuh was derived from the word Saewoom (Sae-Sak:����), which meant budding flower. The English tranlation of Saewoom-tuh is Sprouting land. Before officially opening the Dongduchon office, the staff members of Saewoomtuh decided to create charter, in order to legitimize the NGOs activities. Initially, the staff chose a representative who participated in the CB-NGO activities, not simply a figurehead. The result of this policy was the appointment of Kim Hyon-son (������)(then 29) as official representative of Saewoom-tuh. Kim Hyon-son has had over ten years of experience as an activist in the military town and was a staff member at Durae-Bang.

Saewoomtuh included six full time staff members and a considerably large-scale operation. Initially, in order to create a base in legitimacy and freedom of action, seventy percent of the funds collected were from individual donators and thirty percent were raised through activities such as seminars, essays and individual fund raising efforts. Unlike Christian organization who received funding from the church, or state sponsored organizations, for the fist two years Saewoomtuh did not accept donation from the government or large organizations, thereby maintaining independence of actions and self-sufficiency.13) Therefore the staff was able to focus upon issues such as the improvement of living conditions and the protection of the human rights of women in the military towns. Programs sponsored by NGOs with connections to the church required staff to incorporate religious texts and the precepts of Christianity into NGO programs. This practice not only alienated non-Christians but also promoted attempts to solve the dilemmas in the military towns, without completely understanding the realities of these areas. Since Saewoomtuh was not reliant upon the churches or other large organizations for funds, through a process of trial and error, the staff of Saewoomtuh was able to progress in a direction guided by the individual and collective experiences of staff members.

In autumn of 1996 Saewoomtuh officially opened it's offices in Dongduchon, Seng Youn-Dong (������), a twenty minute walk away from the main gates of Camp Casey. The main office included a living room and two small rooms. The primary focus of Saewoomtuh was the women and children in the military towns and the objectives were as fallows;

"1. Preservation of human dignity and self-determination.

2. Respect for the human rights for Kijich'on(military town) prostitutes.

3. Respect for the human rights of children of Kijich'on(military town) women and Amerasian children.

4. To form a community where Kijich'on(military town) prostitutes and their children can live safely, freely and equally.

5. To eradicate militarism, war and prostitution.

6. To eliminate all kinds of discrimination (due to gender, body, race, economic, power, culture, age, and religion)"14)

In other words, the activities of Sawoomtuh were based on respect for individual human rights and respect for those who were designated as minorities and alienated from Korean society. During the initial stages, the staff of this organization included five women and the philosophy was constituted of a mixture of feminism and student activism.

Upon establishment in 1996, Saewoomtuh sponsored two programs, the herb(���) program and the night childcare program. The Herb program was a vocational training and work transfer program, similar to the Bread Bakery program offered by Durae-Bang. However due to lack of funds, this program failed to have a significant impact. The nighttime childcare program, on the other hand, was more success. Since the prostitutes in the military towns worked nights, children needed childcare while their mothers worked at the clubs. At times, do to the lack of childcare; prostitutes were forced to conduct business in the same room as the children. Therefore, Saewoomtuh offered the night childcare services for approximately two years. This program was brought to a halt because of financial difficulties and lack of personnel. 15)

In 1998 with an infusion of fund from the 'Civil movement support fund �ùο������� (5 million won: 500�� ��) and 'the Presidential Special Commission for Women's Affairs': ����� ���ӿ��� Ư������ȸ'(9 million won: 900 ����), Saewoomtuh was able to open the 'Women Center', which was located next to Camp Casey. This Womens Center consisted of two parts, 1)the Children's center and 2) the Flower store. Although the first attempt at nighttime childcare was temporarily shut-down after two years of operation, the children's center program was reestablished in 1998, upon the lease of a new venue located next to Camp Casey. Ms. In Sooni (a famous Amerasian singer) and various other sponsors made the opening of the Children's Center possible. The Children's center offered daytime childcare for children between two and seven and tutoring for students between eight and thirteen. The children's center catered to Amerasian children, children whose mother's were engaged in prostitution and children whose families were financial pressed. The center provided children who were neither accepted by the Korean or American societies, with an opportunity to escape from the everyday tribulations of the military town. At the beginning of this year(1 Jan. 2000) this program was also temporarily shut-down because of financial difficulties.

The Flower store, which is presently operational is an extension of the Herb project, and provides an opportunity for military prostitutes to participate in job training, which later leads to a change in vocations. In the flower store these women produce paper flowers, bouquets, potpourri and various other items.16) The flower store employs approximately ten women, and sponsors a variety of programs. Along with the occupation exchange program, group counseling, technical education, handicrafts, and business skills are also taught at the women' center.

Like Durae-Bang, through counseling, these women learn to trust the staff of Saewoomtuh. Once this trust is established, the process of healing the wounds accrued while living in the military towns is initiated. However, unlike Durae-Bang, the secular nature of Saewoomtuh allows the staff to devote complete attention towards the needs of the prostitutes and the fundamental human rights abuses by the GIs, without the restrictions of the Church. In other words, being secular with a theoretical base in the military town, these NGOs are able to create programs, counseling, childcare, and medical aide solely for the benefit of the military town women and children. To expand, since the foundation of Durae-Bang is the Christian church, during the counseling process the focus is upon God's word (the bible), rather than the realities of the military towns. Through these programs Saewoomtuh's staff attempts to create an environment where the military town prostitutes are able to experience the trust and freedom familiar to other Korean citizens. In this process the Saewoomtuh staff makes a concerted effort to incorporate the military town women into the infrastructure of the NGO, employing these women as Saewoomtuh staff members. Women who were previously identified by society as victims, are able participate in activism directed towards the rectification of injustices in the military towns. The strength of these women becomes a source of motivation for Saewoomtuh.17)

In addition to the above programs, the staff further attempted to increase the understanding and publicize the realities of the military towns through a 'Fact Finding Survey' (���� ����) and the The Military Town Volunteer Program (��Ȱ). The first 'Fact Finding Survey' was conducted in 1997, at which time the members of Saewoomtuh traveled to the American military towns across South Korea, collecting statistics concerning the realities of these areas. The focus of the fact-finding survey was the prostitutes and the Amerasian children in the military towns. Staff of Saewoomtuh used the fact-finding survey in order to reexamine the realities of the military towns and create more effective programs. This research also contributed to the formation of new theories and alternative forms of activism in the military towns.18)

Later this research was used in the 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' , which is also sponsored by the staff of Saewoomtuh. 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' is geared towards the introduction of the realities of the military towns to university students throughout South Korea. This program originated at Durae-Bang. In the summer of 1990 students from various women's universities expressed interest in issues concerning Amerasian children in the military towns and therefore during the summer vacation these students planned an excursion to Uijonbu., were Durae-Bang was located. After this initiation, 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' became a prime instrument for recruiting volunteers and staff for Durae-Bang.19) However, in 1995, as many young activists departed from Durae-Bang , most of the resources, networking, and know-how were transferred to Saewoomtuh. As in Durae-Bang, 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' has played a very important role in the recruitment of volunteers and permanent staff for Saewoomtuh.

In addition, in 1999 Saewoomtuh took 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' one step further and used former participants of 'The Military Town Volunteer Program' as a base for the establishment of an activist program called Feminists' CAMP. CAMP stands for 'Feminists' Coalition Against Militarism and Prostitution'. The staff of Saewoomtuh instituted this program and currently works together with the students as a guide and a mentor. CAMP's motto is to focus upon the human rights abuses of military town prostitutes.20) As with the staff of Saewoomtuh, CAMP's members have adopted the feminist theory, which focuses upon the women and children in the military towns. As with the "The Military Town Volunteer Program"(��Ȱ) , CAMP members served as a bridge between the CB-NGO (Saewoomtuh) and University students in South Korea. CAMP members have organized demonstration, protesting U.S. military violation of Korean citizens human rights, outreach seminars, which promoted understanding of the realities of the military towns, and petitions to protest various crimes by GIs.21)

During my three months of volunteer work at Saewoomtuh, drudging back and fourth between the Yonsei University dormitory and Dongduchon two times a week was very difficult. However, each member of the staff at Saewoomtuh does this same journey everyday. These staff members are paid unimaginably small salaries, work incredibly long hours, and are forced to face the injustices of the military town every day. Nevertheless, activists at Saewoomtuh persevere, creating new more effective programs and helping needy citizens within the military towns to become self-sufficient. The Saewoomtuh staff members are constantly busy, either counseling or working on a solution to the various problems in the military towns. However, they always had time to answer my questions.

*Tabitha's Community (�ٺ�Ÿ ����ü)

On January 1, 1989 in Dongduchon, Bosan-dong, Tabitha's Community was established as a special missionary outreach center of the Prebysterian Church of Korea (PCK). While Tabitha's Community is only a ten-minute stroll away from the Saewoomtuh main offices, communication between these two organizations is minimal. Both are CB-NGOs and both are located in Dongduchon, however the basic philosophy of these two organizations is noticeably different. Saewoomtuh's theoretical roots are in the nationalist students movement and feminism and Tabitha's community theoretical roots are in the Christian Church. The motto of Tabitha's Community is as follows,

"The name, Tabitha's Community, is derived from the 9th Chapter of the 36th verse of The Act of the Apostles, which describes Tabitha as a woman who promotes good deeds, redemption and integrity. The basis of the community is to assist all residents, regardless of their religion, who have been victims of abuse in the military towns of South Korea, especially the prostitutes and their Amerasian children through the realization of the words of God and to create a community were women in similar positions throughout Korean society can come together under totality of the Christian community. In order to become a true community, this organization provides the necessary programs for those who live and breathe in these neighborhoods, and until God comes as our savior, Tabitha's Community will continue to help these women who have been alienated from the rest of society." 22)

Like Durae-Bang, Tabitha's Community has a base in Christianity, more specifically, the Presbyterian Church. Both of these organizations connect activities, such as counseling and childcare to the religious principles of Christianity. The head of Tabitha's community is Rev. Woo Sub Chon (���켷), who, upon graduating Yonsei Universities Department of Public and Health in 1987, worked at a public health center. Rev. Woo Sub then graduated from Chong-ro Hwae Theological University(���ȸ���д��� ���д��п�), and became a certified Reverend. Due to his background in social welfare and public health, one of Reverend Woo Sub's main concerns is STD's(Sexual Transmitted Diseases). He proposes that one of the main goals of Tabitha's Community is to create a center for the study and treatment of STDs. In 1996 Tabitha's Community established the Hope and Sharing House, which is a non-profit agency, aimed at counseling AIDS patients in the military town area. This organization's objective is not the study of AIDS, but rather, to give the victims of AIDS some peace of mind in the face of death. The Hope and Sharing house provides funds for dealing with the legal and financial problems as well as the funeral preparations for the AIDS victims.23)

Along with the AIDS program, Tabitha's Community sponsors both a children's center for Amerasian and other needy children and an occupation training program for military town prostitutes. In an interview concerning Amerasian children, Reverand Woo-Sub stated, "We must look at the realities of the Amerasian children in Korea through a historical perspective. These children are victims of history. Even though the GIs are clearly responsible for the realities of the Amerasian children in South Korea, we are the ones who must find a solution. In truth, it doesn't matter how much you run around looking for a solution, without understanding the realities of the military town, resolutions will inevitably be ineffective." In other words, without an understanding of society, history, and the life of the women in the military town , this issue can not be resolved.24) Reverend Woo Sub's statements illustrate the importance of understanding individual human rights and the realities of daily life in the military towns in order to produce a truly effective solution

2. Civil Society-NGOs: National Campaign for the Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea (���ѹ̱����˱��� �����)

Along with the CB-NGOs based in Tonduchon and Uijong-bu, the CS-NGO(Civil Society-Non Government Organization) located in Seoul, the 'National Campaign' also plays an extremely important role in the activism concerning the military towns. Although this organization is located in Seoul, the incident triggering the formation of the 'National Campaign' occurred in Dongduchon. In 1992, after the murder of Yoon Kum E.(������) by Private Kenneth Markel in Dongduchon, various NGOs and social organizations joined together to fight against the injustices of the American military in South Korea. Twenty social organizations, including groups representing, women, laborers, students, religious, and human rights interests joined together in order to protest the murder of Ms. Yoon. After working together for ten months, participants realized that necessity for further analysis and activism concerning the U.S presence in South Korea.

As with most nationalist student movements, the predecessor to the 'National Campaign' used the Yoon Kum E incident to promote the resolution of grandiose issues, such as Reunification, Anti-Americanism, and the Withdrawal of American Troops from Korea. Various organizations sponsored a wide variety of movements: student activists and social organizations were involved in anti-American demonstrations, religious organizations focused on issues of human rights, nationalist groups focused on issues of state autonomy, and the women's movements focused on human rights and physical abuse by the GIs on the military town women.25) Since many women activists were afraid Markel would be set free and the 'Yoon Kum E incident' (������ ���) would be dismissed like past incidents, women activists in the military towns did not actively promote issues such as human rights and feminism. Instead, the majority of women joined forces with the nationalist activists.26)

In the Korean society, the military town prostitutes were often labeled with derogatory terms such as Western princess (�� ����), or 'a dirty prostitute who sells her body to American GIs' (�����), when the culprit, Kenneth Markel was caught, Yoon Kum E, who was formerly referred to as a "dirty" military town prostitute, suddenly became a national symbol, 'Yoon Kum E the nation's sister' (������ ����), the innocent daughter of the Korean nation."27) In other words, in order to combat the real enemy, the American military, the true identity of Yoon Kum E. was redefined. Hence, the existence of these women was swept under the rug and instead, a fictitious national symbol was created. The Yoon Kum E. incident was therefore turned into a battle for the nationalist's objectives, rather than a chance to improve the military town women's human rights.

The focus of the National Campaign has gradually shifted, from a nationalist perspective to a human rights/feminist perspective. This change was initiated when staff members with experience in the military towns were recruited and communication with CB-NGOs was increased. Since most of the social organizations involved in the committee preceding the National Campaign were connected with student activist organizations, feminists and activists who focused on individuals' human rights were often ignored. Therefore, when this organization was reestablished and members with direct experience in social activism in the military towns were recruited, the focus shifted away from the nationalist perspective towards a more feminist one, focusing on the human rights of the individual.

For instance Yu Jin Jeong (������), who was the student vice president of Saejong University (���� ���б�), had two years of experience while working with Durae-Bang before becoming a staff member of 'The National Campaign'. In 1999, Yu Jin Jeong wrote a paper called, "Crimes by the American Military and the Women in the Military Town" which called for a refocus of issues dealing with the military towns. She stated that issues such as the individual human rights and the suffering of the women in the military towns must become the focus of activists struggling against the American military presence in South Korea. Due to the influence of staff members like Yu Jin Jeong, who was later elected to be the bureau representative(������), the 'National Campaign' which formerly participated in anti-American, reunification and other forms of nationalist activism developed into an organization which focused upon individual human rights. In addition to articles written by Yu Jin Jeong which signified the change in the style of activism, the National Campaign published a book called The Never Ending History of Pain: American Military Crimes28), which covered issues ranging from human rights, the environment, military crimes, and international networking with similar NGOs. The official goal of the 'National Campaign' is to

"1) Analyze the various crimes committed by the American military in Korea and organize programs geared towards the reduction of such incidents.

2) The revision of SOFA and other unequal relationship between the US and South Korea.

3) The protection of civil right of individuals and the autonomy of the nation as a whole."29)

In order to accomplish these objectives, the 'National Campaign' sponsors programs, such as, 'The Center for Reporting U.S. Crimes' (�̱����� �Ű�����) and 'The Friday Demonstrations' (�ݿ� ��ȸ) in front of Yongsan American military base located in Seoul. In addition, this organization also sponsors the research and publication of articles concerning American military crimes in Korea and the violation of human rights of the women in the military towns, facilitates attempts to promote networking, exchanges, and unions with similar organizations around the world.

The 'National Campaign' has a reputation for legitimacy and establishment of concrete programs. For instance, the Center for Reporting American Crimes was established on March 1st of 1994 in Seoul, Dongduchon, Uijong-bu, Pyongt'aek (����), Songt'an (��ź), Paju (����), ���⸮, Taejon (����), Wonju (����), Chunchon(��õ), Kunsan (����), Taegu(�뱸), and Pusan(�λ�). The purpose of this service is to rectify the one-sided victimization of Koreans due to criminal acts committed by the U.S. military in South Korea. Upon notification of criminal acts committed by U.S. servicemen, these centers initiate the process to punish GIs for the crimes against Korean women by; counseling victims concerning issues such as legal rights and compensation for damages, conducting investigations of these incidents, and coordinate campaigns to facilitate further activism.30)

Since, the American military, the Korean government, and most of Korean society ignore the plight of these prostitutes, the center provides a voice for these women and much needed data concerning the affects of U.S. crimes upon individuals in the military towns. Along with the 'Center for Reporting U.S. Crimes', the Friday Demonstrations have also become an established program for the 'National Campaign'. The Friday demonstrations were initiated on December 12 , 1994 in Itaewon. These demonstrations present an opportunity to publicize the crimes committed by the U.S. military and the unequal nature of the SOFA agreement.31) Although events, such as the Friday Demonstrations and the 'performance cherishing the memory of Yoon Kum E'.(������ �߸���) still have overtones of the nationalist social movements, the focus of the 'National Campaign' has slowly moved towards trying to understand the realities in the military towns through the lens of individual human rights and feminism.

3. Comparison of NGOs

Durae-Bang, Saewoomtuh, Tabitha's Community, and the 'National Campaign', are all NGOs struggling for the improvement of conditions in the military towns. However, each of these NGOs has a distinctive method and a variety of theoretical approaches for conducting their activities. For instance, Durae-Bang and Tabitha's Community possess a religious base, and the staff members of Saewoomtuh and the 'National Campaign' have roots in the nationalist student of movements of the 1970s and 1980s.

Due to the religious foundations of both Durae-Bang and Tabitha's Community, the spectrum of options for activism is very limited. Since all of the representatives and most of the staff and the funds are collected and maintained through the church, these organizations are forced to answer to the authorities in the church. Thus, because of financial dependency, the autonomy of these organizations is greatly reduced.

In addition, organizations affiliated with the church tend to avoid anti-American activism and conflict with domestic government policies. However, since the root of these injustices is the American military, without addressing the issue of American military crimes against South Koreans, improving the conditions in the military towns is not feasible.

Saewoomtuh and the 'National Campaign', on the other hand, retain a base in the student movements; military town activism often took the form of protests against the American military in Korea. Moreover, since the staff of Saewoomtuh and 'The National Campaign', consist primarily of women, their theoretical approach to problems in the military town incorporate a feminist perspective. The theoretical framework, which the feminists implement, places emphasis upon the individual experiences of the women in the military towns. Tabitha's community is the only NGO were the representative is not a woman. Although the all woman staff of the 'National Campaign' is mostly student activists/feminists, the representatives32) of this organization are religious leaders. Therefore frequently, the staff and the representative have conflicting points of view regarding the sphere of activism and the autonomy of the activists is severely limited. In order to insure autonomy, the staff of Saewoomtuh selected Kim Hyon-son (a working member of the NGO staff) as their representative. Hence, this NGO has been able to rely upon experts, the staff, in order to define the future direction of Saewoomtuh.

1 Oh Ji Yun op.cit., P.16.

2 Union of Women's Social Organizations in The Kyonggi-do Province and Saewoomtuh, op. cit., p.49.

3 Jong He Jin, op. cit., p. 313.

4 Yu Bok Nim, My Sister's Place (Durae-bang) Newsletter, No.2, (1988) p. 5.

5 A Durae-bang representative states, society must realize that after liberation from Japanese colonization, the women in the military town were not simply 'Western Princess' (Yang Kong-ju), women chasing after the American dream, but rather members of a section of society left extremely poor and in order survive had no choice but to sell their bodies. Yu Yong Nim Report concerning 'Durae-Bang's Business Project', 1999.

6 Yu Yong Nim, "My Sisters Place (Durae-bang)" Introduction in English, (1998). p.2.

7 Yu Yong Nim (1998), op. cit., p.5.

8 Hwang Chang Yong, "A Study Concerning the Resocialization of Prostitutes: Through the Analysis of Social Organizations," (Seoul: Masters Thesis Paper at Pyong Taek University Social Development Graduate School, 1998)p.36.

9 Jeong He Jin, op. cit., p. 315.

10 Rainbow Center(1995),op. cit., p.83.

11 Hwang Chang Young (1998), op. cit., p.39.

12 Union of Women's Social Organizations in The Kyonggi-do Province and Saewoomtuh(1999), op. cit., p.52.

13 Hwang Chang Young (1998), op. cit., p.41.

14 Kim Hyon-son, "Pamphlet titled For Kijich'on (U.S Military Camptown in South Korea) Women and Children Saewoomtuh," 5 May 1999, p.1. (Not Published).

15 Jong He Jin, op. cit., p. 327.

16 Jong He Jin, op. cit., p.389.

17 Kim Hyon-son(1999), op. cit., p.3.

18 Union of Women's social organizations in the Kyonggi-do district and Saewoomtuh(1999), op. cit., p.2.

19 Rainbow Center(1995), op. cit,. p. 82.

20 "Selected Films and Information Concerning the Military Towns and Prostitution", 'CAMP' (Feminists Coalition Against Military and Prostitution) ed., (1999). p.56.

21 In order to further address issues concerning incidents connected with the military towns and prostitution, the special commission addressing the death of Lee Jong Sook (������), will alter its name to 'feminists CAMP' and continue activism. Participants of CAMP presently include Ehwa's University Women's Committee, Seoul University Women's research center Hanur-Tari (�ѿ�Ÿ��), Kyong-Hee University Women's student government, and Saewoomtuh. Ibid., pp. 53-54.

22 Rev. Woo Sub Chon,, "The Tabitha Community: Faith, Home, Love", Newsletter, (1999). p. 23.

23 Rev. Woo Sub Chon, "The Tabitha Community: Faith, Home, Love", Compiled texts (1996). pp.4-5.

24 Rainbow Center(1995), op. cit., pp.78-79.

25 Jong He Jin (������), op. cit., P.341.

26 Ibid., p.349.

27 Yu Jin Jeong(������)(1999), op. cit., p. 38.

 

28 National Campaign for The Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea, The Never Ending History of Pain: American Military Crimes.(Seoul: Kaema-sowon, 1999)

29 Jeong Yu Jin, National Campaign for the Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troop in Korea, (1996) Pamphlet. pp. 11-12.

30 'National Campaign' Newsletter, Issue 3, Mar. 1994.

31 'National Campaign' Newsletter, Issue 24, Oct 1998

32 Representative, refers to the highest level official in the NGO.