Korean prostitution chapter 1

Korean Prostitution Chapter 1

1. Research Goals and Thesis Statement

Seven years ago, when I was a junior studying at UCLA, I happened upon an article in the Stars and Stripes, an authorized, unofficial publication of the U.S. Department of Defense, which described the R & R (rest and recreation) facilities in the South Korean military towns. The article described the nightlife in Itaewon, a military town located in Seoul, and the festive atmosphere of the various clubs and bars. In conclusion, the reporter suggested that although GIs committed crimes and occasionally became involved in confrontations with Koreans, the GIs were just blowing off some steam after a hard day on the job. In truth, I was stunned; how could a reporter of a US military officially sponsored magazine produce such propaganda? The question that popped into my mind was Why is the U.S. military stationed in Korea? Official publications of the USFK (The United States Forces, Korea ) state, "The longtime U.S. security commitment to the ROK (Republic of Korea) has both legal and moral sanctions. U.S. legal obligations are those under UN Security Council Resolutions of 1950, by which the United States leads the United Nations Command, and the ROK/US Mutual Security Agreement of 1954, which commits both nations to assist each other in case of outside attack."1) In the U.S., we talk about mutual protection and the necessity for the forces of good to protect the world from evil. We made this claim in South Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and the Gulf War, and most recently in Bosnia and Yugoslavia. Unfortunately, at the same time, U.S. soldiers are notorious for breaking the host country's laws, disrespecting the host country's people, and even physically and sexually assaulting the host country's residents, especially the women. In South Korea, between 1945 and 1999, the U.S. military servicemen committed over 10,000 crimes.2) Although the U.S. may act as deterrence to hostile nations, we should ask the question, Who protects the host country from the U.S. soldiers?

In order to determine the effects of American troops in Korea, four factors must be analyzed: Korea (society and state); the U.S. (state and military); social activism (Nationalistic and NGOs); and the NGOs influence and relationship with the military towns in South Korea. Relations between Korea and the U.S. are marked by unfair international treaties and an imbalance of power. The Korean government, attempting to maintain power, acquiesces to American demands in the international political arena, ignoring the injustices committed against Korean citizens in the domestic arena. These relations in turn directly affect the relationships between individuals, U.S. GIs and Korean citizens, facilitating the continuation of violation of Korean women's human rights without compensation for the crimes committed by the U.S. GIs. Finally, activists who are supposedly fighting against these injustices, join the confusion by proposing solutions to American crimes in Korea, which in the end, fail to acknowledge the existence of the women and children in the military towns. Each of these factors is interrelated and mutually determines the status of the American military in South Korea.

In the past, governments, scholars, and activists have connected problems in the military towns with international relations, focussing exclusively upon relationships between countries. In this process, the individual human rights abuses by the American military in Korea have been frequently disregarded. The reasons for this is three fold: 1) The imbalance of power on an international level between Korea and the U.S. 2) The patriarchal nature of the American military (policy), Korea (government and society) and the Korean nationalist social movements and 3)the failure of these various actors to recognize the realities of gender and affects of militarism and the resulting sexual discrimination.

Unlike the actors listed above, the NGOs (Non Governmental Organizations) deal directly with the injustices that occur in the military towns. Therefore, through research concerning the activities of the NGOs in the military towns, this paper intends to identify the extent of American military crimes upon residents of the military towns.

NGOs in the military towns participate in various activities that range from direct counseling of prostitutes, medical services/advice, childcare for Amerasian or financially needy children, to demonstrations and international exchanges with other organizations facing similar dilemmas. Thus, these NGOs interact with the residents, promote activities that directly impact positive change, and conduct research in order to better understand the present social and political environment in the military towns. Although NGOs in Korea are still at a fledgling level of development, the expertise and knowledge accumulated by the NGO staff is often the only information available regarding social issues and U.S. crimes in the military towns.

Undoubtedly, those who live in the military towns and interact most frequently with the U.S. soldiers, the military town women and children, are most qualified to understand the extent of human rights abuses in the military towns. Unfortunately, direct communication with these women and children regarding sensitive issues is unfeasible. Contact is limited for various reasons, including the illegality and taboo nature of prostitution in South Korea, and the mental duress prostitutes face, resulting from frequent contact with American soldiers.3) In short, approaching, let alone discussing sensitive issues, such as relations between customers (GIs) and the military town women and children is an impractical undertaking. Nevertheless through analysis of the NGO activities in the military towns, one comes to realize that individual human rights must not be sacrificed for the better of the whole. Therefore, in order to better understand the intricacies of the women and children living in the military towns and the extent and affect of American military crimes, this study focuses upon the activities of the NGOs and the staff members' experiences accumulated through direct interaction with the residents of this area.

2. Areas of Research & Method of Analysis

The two main areas of focus are Dongduchon and Uijong-bu. Camp Casey, one of the oldest and largest American military bases in Korea, is located in Dongduchon. The military town, which accompanies this base, is notorious for its high crime rates and disorderliness, especially by GIs. The military town on the outskirts of Uijong-bu, next to Camp Stanley, Baet Bore (��)4) is much smaller in scale and is the prototype of the smaller military towns in South Korea. In addition, Baet Bore is the home of My Sister's Place (Duraebang:�η��) the very first NGO established in the military towns. The NGO activism within these two areas represents the extent of social welfare services in Korea with direct ties to the military towns. Hence, NGOs in Dongduchon and Uijong-bu were chosen as the focus of this paper. In addition, since the American military presence in Korea can be traced back to 1945, this paper focuses upon the period between the end of WWII to the present.

The U.S. military first arrived in Dongduchon on July of 1951. Dongduchon, Camp Casey, was one of the largest military bases in South Korea, with four different infantry divisions (2nd, 7th , 25th , 24th ) during the Korean War. By the 1970's all divisions except the second division were withdrawn.5) According to a population census recorded in 1999, in Dongduchon there were approximately 74 thousand Korean people.6) In the military towns surrounding Camp Casey, there was 40 clubs, with a total of 107 Korean prostitutes, 149 Philippine and 45 Russian prostitutes.7) In addition, Camp Casey served as the residents for 13000 U.S. soldiers, who served one-year, unaccompanied tours.

In official military documents, the U.S. army states, "Soldiers are discouraged from bringing their family members to this area. The 2ID is a wartime mission oriented division and soldiers spend the majority of their tour in the field. Those soldiers who bring their family members to this area must live within earshot of the alert siren. This alone limits the areas and the type of quarters that are available." 8) The U.S. army claims that since Camp Casey is located in close proximity to the 38 parallel, the readiness level, and resulting stress levels of the military personnel is extremely high.9) Subsequently, the majority of army personnel assigned to this area are young, of low rank and not married. In direct correlation with the large population of young unmarried soldiers, the number of crimes committed in Camp Casey is higher than most garrisons.10)

In Uijong-bu, a two hour bus drive away from Camp Casey, Baet Bore is representative of the smaller military towns. This military town, which means "Quicksand"(Baet Bore: ��) in English, is an isolated small town next to the American military base. 2000 GIs, 76 Korean prostitutes, 10 Russian prostitutes, and 20 Filipina prostitutes reside in the military town next to Camp Stanley. Baet Bore means, If you put your foot in, you can never pull it out.11) This interpretation of Baet Bore has various symbolic connotations. For instance, the majority of women who become involved in prostitution in the military towns by and large never escape. In general, military towns are isolated from the rest of Korean society both physically and mentally. Although Camp Stanley is only a twenty-minute bus ride outside of Uijong-bu, the base is painfully rural, surrounded by fields on one side and a small mountain range on the other.12) The women who work in this area rarely if ever leave Baet Bore.13) The physical isolation prevents the women from associating with other members of the Korean society. In addition, due social stigma, mental/ physical abuse and health difficulties that result from living in the military towns and associating with the GIs on a regular basis, prostitutes believe that they can no longer function outside Baet Bore. In other words the military towns serves as both a physical and mental prison without bars.

The NGOs concerned with issues, which arise in the two areas described above, Dongduchon and Uijongbu can be categorized into two categories, the CB-NGO (Community Based Non-Governmental Organization) and the CS-NGOs (Civil Society Non-Governmental Organization). The CB-NGO is community-based and therefore deals directly with certain sections of the community, which have been neglected by the government's welfare systems. These NGOs provide the services that have been overlooked by the government. In the context of Korea, CB-NGOs operate in the military towns, dealing directly with prostitutes, Amerasian children and other citizens affected by the American military presence. CS-NGOs, on the other hand, participate in demonstrations, conduct research project/papers, publicize, and promote social activism which cannot be administered by the community based NGOs.14)

Information collected from these various NGOs includes Masters and Ph.D. papers, newspapers, pamphlets, videos, and books.15) However, since these NGOs are constantly pressed for money and extremely busy, updating information concerning the organization is a rarity. Therefore, in order to gain a better understanding of the present objectives, programs, and theoretical approach of NGO activism, I decided to conduct a series of comprehensive interviews with social activists in these NGOs.

The questions covered issues concerning: the medical realities of the prostitutes in the military towns, the realities of Amerasians residing in these areas, and the affects of physical and sexual violence of the American military upon Korean citizens. The results of these interviews clearly depict the realities of the military towns and the extent of abuses by American military in Korea. The base of this activism is the woman in the military towns and the focus is feminism.

Through observation of the events, which occurred in the military towns, I realized that the most adept theoretical approach for addressing problems in the military towns is Cynthia Enloe's16) studies concerning militarism, gender and international relations. Enloe stresses the importance of the affect of international relations upon the individual.

Previous explanations and studies have only included the military and government perspectives and left out the voices of the individuals, that is women and NGO activists in the military towns, who are directly affected by the policies that the government implements. Therefore, in order to obtain an accurate representation of the military towns, questions were directed towards the NGO activists.

Of course, focusing upon the women and children in the military towns through the examination of NGO activities inevitable has various limitations. First of all, traditionally studies concerning the military towns have focused upon subjects such as SOFA(Status of Forces Agreement) and Anti-Americanism, and therefore information concerning the women, children and the activities of organizations(NGOs) providing welfare services in the military towns is scarce.

In addition, the methods of analyzing data are invariably underdeveloped. Although, Cynthia Enloe's approach to militarism, gender and international relations does effectively bring attention to the injustices in the military towns and the connection to international relations, Enloe is a new-comer in the field of international relations, and therefore lacks the clout of more established political scientists. Hence, Enloe theories must be further developed and solidified in order to facilitate rational analysis of the socio-political events within the South Korean military towns. To complicate matters, not only do the American and Korean governments attempt to ignore and cover up the injustices committed in the military towns, but scholars and society as a whole also refuse to acknowledge the plight of these women and children.

Along with the limitations listed above, personal limitations also restricted my research. First and most obvious is the fact that I am not Korean and although I have been in Korea for approximately six years, my Korean ability is far from perfect.

Despite the many limitations faced during the construction of this project, the analysis and comparison of the materials collected during my visits to the NGOs and long hours of research, will provide a valuable pool of understanding concerning Korean American relations and the connection to the lives of individuals affected by militarism, especially women. The theoretical framework, which is expanded upon in the next section, will be the basis for the analysis of the interviews.

3. Theoretical Approach

The recognition of importance of gender and sexual discrimination within the international and domestic arenas, and the acknowledgement of the individual human rights abuses as a result of international relations and militarism, are the two concepts that serve as the theoretical framework for this thesis paper. These concepts were derived from literature concerning the military towns, in addition to my personal experiences and interaction with the staff of Saewoomtuh and the 'National Campaign'. Articles written by Korean feminist/activists Yu Jin Jeong(��) and Kim Hyon Son(��), Ewha Women's University Prof. Kim Unsir(��), and Ph.d at Ewha University, Hee Jin Jeong(��), were fundamental in the formation of this theoretical approach.17) These women are scholars and activists whose theoretical approach contains a common theme. Each stresses the importance of gender and human rights in their approaches to activism/scholarship in the military towns.

The origins of these themes can be found in the works of Cynthia Enloe, a prominent feminist and professor at Clark University. Enloe attempts to analyze the connections between international relations/incidents and individuals within a society. Although previous scholars and theorists have depicted war and militarism as an inevitable component of modern society, Enloe proposes that not only is change possible, but that it is in fact inevitable. She proposes that the key to enacting these changes is to identify the source and victims of the militarization of society.

The foundation of Enloe's theory originates from the phrase, 'the international is individual'. She states,

"'The international is individual' implies that governments depend upon certain kinds of allegedly private relationships in order to conduct their foreign affairs. Governments need more than secrecy and intelligence agencies; they need not only military hardware, but a steady supply of women's sexual services to convince their soldiers that they are manly. To operate in the international arena, governments seek other governments' recognition of their sovereignty but they also depend on ideas about masculinized dignity and feminized sacrifice to sustain that sense of autonomous nationhood."18)

The key to understanding the relationship between the international and the individual is the recognition of these gender differences within a society. In her essay "Gender and the State" Enloe states that without recognizing the influence of gender upon socio-political issues, true understanding of the affects of militarism upon society is impossible. She elaborates,

"If soldiers generals, national security elites, jingoistic journalists, refugees, defense contractors and their employees, wartime rape victims, weapons engineers, and their employees, and their spouses are all analyzed as if they are ungendered persons-as if they could as easily be women as men- the resultant theoretical understanding of militarization will be fundamentally flawed."19)

In order to facilitate this approach Enloe stipulates that analysis must include recognition of the patriarchal structure of privilege and the direct and indirect effects upon women. This approach necessitates that scholars, activists, government, and society as a whole, recognize the effects of the patriarchal ideologies of masculinity and femininity upon people's relationships with one another, their identity, and thereby recognize the true effects of sexual discrimination and militarism.

She initiates her argument from a feminist perspective claiming that women are an oppressed section of society, oppressed by both the nationalists and militaristic patriarchal society. The American government promotes socio-political manipulation through militarism in order to establish a position of superiority within Korea and Korean activists use nationalism to counteract this threat by promoting unity and solidarity within Korea.

Cynthia Enloe states that feminists focus upon," militarization as a social process, rather than on either war or peace, in our efforts to expose the way in which patriarchy promotes and sustains military values and military needs."20) In other words, these feminists do not focus upon war but rather the conditions of women's lives and violence against individuals. She focuses upon the individual suffering which result from militarism and stresses women's need to take control of their own lives, in order to prevent future abuses.

As with militarism, nationalism also deliberately employed these women for social-political means, again resulting in the concealment of the realities in the military towns. Nationalism can be defined as a method of separating "us" from "them." Furthermore, it can be defined as the method of illustrating the inequalities that have been created between "us" and "them."21) The power of nationalism does not necessarily result from the struggle between one nation and another, nor does it necessarily result from the conflict against imperialists. In other words, nationalism has the power to influence, not only international relations but also relationships between individuals within a nation.

Nationalism is related to the people's thought processes, the material world and everything else which is considered important to a nation's autonomy(�� ü).22) Along with nations, nationalism also separates men from women, extending the boundaries between us and them into the domestic arena. In other words, men use nationalism as a tool, a patriarchal device to promote male superiority over the female within the domestic arena.

In the international arena individuals are used as symbols (martyrs), representing national pride, especially women. The actual identity of these martyrs is lost when they become a national symbol. For instance, In Korea, women have a predefined status created by the male dominated society and the American military. This phenomena is illustrated in Cynthia Enloe's book Bananas, Beaches, and Bases were she proposes that nationalists have been confined to roles, such as, the understanding girl-friend, the stoic wife or the nurturing mother.23) Nationalist social activists and Korean governments theorize that these predefined personalities effectively secure the popular support of the Korean people. However, when these women become identified with the nationalist movement, the realities of the military towns are completely ignored. In a similar fashion, the U.S. uses pre-defined personalities to degrade Korean women in the military towns, intentionally degrading Korean women. Understanding the true affects of sexual discrimination upon women is achieved through the realization of the importance of nationalism and militarism and the connection between international and domestic regions and the individuals within this dynamic.

In order to rectify this situation, Enloe proposes, "To overcome these very real theory-in action dilemmas, feminists must demonstrate exactly what is lost, analytically and strategically, when gender considerations are left out of the explanations."24) Accordingly, feminists have a responsibility to expose the extent of human rights abuses against the women and children in the military towns, thereby exposing the extent of American soldier's influence upon Koreans and Korean society as a whole. Korean activist/scholars in the military towns propose that this perspective will reveal the patriarchal nature of both Korean and American societies and the necessity to reform resulting injustices.

In this paper the above theories will be incorporated as a tool in order to further understand the realties of the military towns. Through the analysis of the interview in chapter four, Enloe's theories will allow us to systematical analyze the realities of the military towns, that is the sexual discrimination, physical abuse, and dehumanization of the Korean women. In order to understanding the extent of the affect of both militarism and nationalism upon Korean society, and reform the injustices created by these systems, acknowledgement of the propensity for society to ignore the plight of these women is essential.

The second point of focus is the human rights25) of the women and children in the military towns. On the international level the unequal relations between the U.S. and Korea results in the American military criminal acts which in turn promotes the violation of human rights of the women and children in the military towns. In the process of promoting agendas, such as security, morale, reunification, withdrawal of American troops, individual human rights abuses are often left on the wayside. As Yu Jin Jeong, a social worker in the organization, The Campaign for the Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea said, "Sincere peace respects the human rights of the individual. The true reward of life can be found when people are ready to adopt the mentality of no longer accepting violence upon the individual."26) The success of the social movements cannot be dependent upon women's relinquishment of their human rights on behalf of the betterment of society as a whole. The social movements' respect for the human rights of the individuals is compulsory for the NGOs future prosperity. Hence, the pain and destruction of individual lives should be the basis for the anti-American social movements and demonstrations, and not simply be the rhetorical symbols of the nationalist movement.

On the international front, the NGOs concern for individual human rights will serve as a tool for promoting networking and activism on a worldwide scale. By integrating the issue of human rights, the focus of NGOs is broadened, creating movements with the tools to expand. As Park Rae Koon�ڷ��(Sarangbang, Group for Human Rights: �αſ�� 繫��) proposes, "The origins of NGOs interest in the socially oppressed can be found in the tendency of the human rights movement to protect against the violations of basic human dignity."27) Therefore, rather than focusing upon a single nation, NGO activism focuses upon oppressed people from various regions. As Kijimura Daichiro said during a forum on military towns in Okinawa, "Peace and democracy can only be insured through the creation of a unified movement toward the preservation of human rights, regardless of national boundaries."28) Mutual recognition and understanding will thereby facilitate an atmosphere of cooperation and assistance between NGOs from separate countries. Thus, NGOs in Korea, Japan, the Philippines and other areas affected by the U.S. military presence can ban together, publicize and attempt to reform the injustices in the military towns. Through the incorporation of human rights issues, the basis of these NGO activities will not be the nation as a whole, but rather the pain and suffering of individuals around the world, especially those individuals who remain invisible to the established society.

1 U.S. Forces Korea Homepage. (L.C. Feruson). United States Forces In Korea: History. 22 Nov 1999. 16 Feb. 2000. http://www.korea.army.mil/usfkhist.htm & http://www.korea.army.mil.

2 National Campaign for The Eradication of Crimes by U.S. Troops in Korea, The Never Ending History of Pain: American Military Crimes.(Seoul: Kaema-sowon, 1999), p. 17.

��ѹ̱��˱���� , �� ̱��ˡ� (��: ��, 1999), p.17.

3 Before participating in social activism Saewoomtuh, volunteers must receive extensive instruction concerning proper and improper methods of interacting with the military town women and children. In addition staff members were extremely weary because I am not a Korean.

4 From here forth I will refer to the military town next to Camp Stanley as 'Baet Bore'.

5 Collection of articles binded by Tabitha's Community, "The American Soldiers and Dongduchon, Prostitution in Korean Society and The American Military", (1993). p.47.

6 Min Sok Shik, North Kyonggi-do University: Dongduchon. 30 Sept. 1999

�μ��, ��Ϻδ��ġ: ��õ. 30 Sept. 1999 http://nkp.or.kr/city/bukboo/main/main_r2_2.htm.

7 Union of Women's Social Organizations in The Kyonggi-do Province (��⿩��ü��) and Saewoomtuh(1999), op. cit., p. 8.

8 Famnet Crossroads United States military installations. Sponsored by HRD Human Resources Development Inc. 6416 Grovedale Dr. Suite 302 B Alexandria VA 22310 By 'unaccompanied tours', the government is referring to the danger level of Camp Casey-

9 The recreation facilities of this base outclass a normal Hotel. Camp Casey contains a Bowling Center, four clubs, eight fitness centers, a swimming center and a Golf Course, not to mention the so-called "necessary evil" R & R outside the base. Statistics found in Famnet. http://www.famnet.com 2000.

10 Union of Women's Social Organizations in the Kyonggi-do Province (��⿩��ü��) and Saewoomtuh(1999). op. cit., pp.8-9.

11 In Korean 'Bar' (��) means 'foot', and 'Bae' (��) means 'take out'. Oh Ji Yun(��)(1997), op. cit., p.16.

12 The stop right before the Baet Bore is the Uijong-bu city Prison, which also provides imagery concerning the physical location of this village.

13 Union of Women's Social Organizations in the Kyonggi-do Province (��⿩��ü��) and Saewoomtuh, "The study of the Actually conditions of the prostitutes living in the Kyonggi-do military town districts" (Seoul: 1999). p.17. (Unpublished.)

��⿩��ü��&��, "��⵵�� Ῡ�� å�� ," (�̰�� , 1999). p. 17 .

14 Kim Kwan-shik, Korean NGO: Are Social Organizations the hope for the 21 Century. (Seoul: Dong Myongsa:1999),p.13.

�� ѱ� NGO: �ùλ�ȸ��ü 21 �� ΰ�? �� (��: ��, 1999), p. 13.

15 Before starting my research, I worked for three months as a volunteer at an NGO called 'Sprouting Land' (Saewoomtuh: ��) located in Dongduchon. This organization is located next to Camp Casey. Saewoomtuh conducts social services on behalf of the Korean women and children, along with the Amerasian1)

1 According to Dictionary.com Amerasian is a person of American and Asian descent, especially one whose mother is Asian and whose father is American. [American + Asian]. (Los Angeles: Lexico LLC, 2000). http://www.dictionary.com.

*In Korea Amerasian children are referred to as 'Mixed Blood Children' (ȥ��Ƶ�) and in Japan Amerasian children are referred to as International Children (��). Interview with Kim Dong Shim (Seoul: 14 April 2000).

children, who live in the military towns and are most affected by the American military presence in South Korea. The reasons for volunteering at this organization were two-fold. First, I believed that in order to truly understand the environment of the military towns and the social activities of the NGOs, I needed firsthand experience. Secondly, information concerning these NGOs was scarce, and therefore, unlike most scholarly reports, visits to the library would not suffice; active pursuit of the information was necessary. .

16 Cynthia Enloe is a world-renowned feminist and presently a professor at Clark University, Massachusetts. In 1990, Cynthia Enloe published Bananas, Beaches, and Bases a feminist critique of international politics. This quote is from Anote Podium, the electronic journal of Victoria University of Wellington.

Jindy Jan Pettman. Worlding Women, National University of Australia. 1995 April. http://www.vuw.ac.nz/atp/articles/pettman_9507.html:

17 Jong He-jin. "The Rights of Women Who Must Die in order to Live : The History of Activism of Korean Military Town". (1986-98).

18 Enloe's theory, introduced in the book Bananas, Beaches and Bases (1990), was one of the first scholarly works to connect the international with the woman

Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases, (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1996) p.196.

19 Cynthia Enloe, "Gender and the State". Beth B. Hess ed., Analyzing Gender: A Handbook of Social Science Research, (California: Sage Publications, 1987) p.544.

20 Cynthia Enloe(1987), op. cit., p.527.

21 Cynthia Enloe(1996), op. cit., p.62.

22 Edward Said proposes, Nationalism is a phenomenon connected with position. In other words, nationalism can be reconfigured and redefined in order to function as a tool for various different entities (elements) that may have completely different objectives. Subsequently, the structure and direction of nationalism can change in almost any situation, making it difficult to justify the use for any one movement.

Kim Un-shir, "Nationalist Theory and Women", Korean Women's academic institute, Issue 10. P.25

��, "��а� ��," ��ѱ��С� ��10��, p. 25..

23 Cynthia Enloe(1996), op. cit., p.62.

24 Cynthia Enloe(1987), op. cit., p.544.

25 Human Rights activism lends a voice to a variety of oppressed peoples in our society. This form of activism attempts to promote "empowerment" of laborers, farmers, women, children, handicapped people, minorities, indigenous people, migrant worker, and homo-sexuals and other peoples social oppressed simply because they are in the minority. Due to the fact that these people are oppressed through the economic, social and cultural structure of society, activism is considered to be a component of social activism.

26 Yu Jin Jeong (1999), op. cit., p.44.

27 Unified Citizen Activists ed., Social Organization Around the World Changing our Way of Life, (Seoul: Hongic Media, 1999). p.23.

28 Kijimura Daichiro, "Post cold war opinion: and Japanese historical revisionism", (The 3rd Asian Peace and Human Rights Scholars Conference 26-30 1999 November), P.348.